Consciousness, Literature and the Arts

Archive

Volume 12 Number 3, December 2011

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Cultural Signification of Gestures as Showmanship in Soro

by

Peter Emeka Aniago

Tansian University, Umunya, Anambra State, Nigeria

Introduction

Soro is a male-youth ceremonial flogging-meet of some Fulbe ladde clans in northern Nigeria, such as the Jafun,[2] which, according to the occasion, is practiced either as a rite-of-passage (furtuki danki in Fulfulde[3]) or as a sport (fijirde in Fulfulde). To the Jafun Fulbe ladde, soro is a ritual as well as a cultural entertainment which offers the opportunity for a public exhibition of courage and the ability to withstand pain (munyugo naungol in Fulfulde) by the male youths of their society, demonstrated through the receiving of whiplashes on the bare-chest or/and back in a babal fijirde (public site of performance). A successful show of courage and physical mastery of pain in a soro-bout,[4] whereby a fiyetedo (whiplash recipient) demonstrates no visible emotional reaction to the inflicted strikes by a fiyowo (flogger) that could be interpreted as an indication of weakness or pain, either marks the fiyetedo’s authentic transition from boyhood to manhood, if it constitutes his initial bout, or forms the re-attestation of his courage and endurance if he has competed before. For the first time fiyetedo, it demonstrates the transition from the status of a ‘boy’, who was considered by his peers and community to be timid and filled with yeso (fear), to a ‘man’ who is able to face and withstand pain. This attainment, perceived by Jafun community as the embodiment of a warrior-like spirit of fearlessness, in turn projects the individual’s persona and identity which, for a Jafun Fulbe ladde male, is the direct product of his society’s worldview as embodied in his clan’s concept of pulaaku (socio-cultural codes of conduct). Beyond innate ability to muster courage, some soro performers usually take locally sourced herbs and witchcraft to increase necessary psychological encouragement to contest.

At various times that I have witnessed soro I observed that the performers perform some gestures which may be reflexes, embellishments or coded communications enacted spontaneously or predetermined. In accordance with Henning Nelms, my findings suggest that some gestures which in the context of this study are categorised as showmanship (which can take place at the ‘pre-flogging’, ‘flogging’ or ‘post-flogging’ phases) are aimed at ‘building up curiosity’ and making the spectators ‘want to see’ more of the performer and his performance (1969: 181). Therefore, ‘when showmanship is carried far enough’, Nelms argues, ‘it can even create an illusion of meaning where none exists’ (1969: 9). According to George Barr (1965: 46) showmanship which are build through gestures is ‘the skill of making an artistic performance distinctive, effective and appealing to an audience’, while Nelms contends that ‘showmanship brings out the meaning of a performance and gives it an importance that it might otherwise lack’ (1969: 9).

Gestures in the context of soro bout are actions which are conveyed either through verbal or non-verbal mediums, such as gesticulation, facial expressions, utterances and body language by a fiyowo and fiyetedo, aimed at a fellow performer and/or the spectators for some effects. Among these effects according to Abubakar Harande[5] (interview 2007) are attempt to embellish their overall enactment, to intimidate and/or psyche out an opponent, to embolden and psyche up themselves, to provoke, draw and engage more intensely the attention of the spectators, to enhance their overall persona in a bid to outshine fellow performer, and to cultivate a distinct persona as an appealing performative trade-mark. Gestures in soro are usually combination of pre-rehearsed adapted actions and other actions that are based on impromptu improvisations.

This study examines the contexts of gestures in soro with particular emphasis on the reasons why soro performers include them in their performance, the kinds of gestures performers enact at each phase (pre-flogging, flogging and post-flogging) in a soro bout and the approach to the analysis of the significance, effectiveness and quality of each performer’s typology of gestures in soro.

From my observation, in two bouts that had taken place in the same meet, the nuances of gestures enacted by the fiyetedo and fiyowo can be similar but not same, therefore Harande (interview 2007) contends that Jafun spectators do not expect performers to exactly replicate gestures previously performed. Each performer he notes is expected to bring into his performance his personal touch and creativity, hence performers improvise their gestures (Harande, interview 2007). What is mandatory for every fiyetedo is to stand very calm and withstand the pain from the strike, hence examples of gestures mentioned and described in this paper does not represent a common format in every soro bout, however some of the examples could be witnessed in several soro bouts.

To ensure that included analysis of soro, particularly the aspect of gestures as showmanship, reflects relevant African performance perspectives as well as dominant Performance Studies perspectives, this study draw from Osita Okagbue, who demonstrates that in ‘African cultures the concept of performance is rather a comprehensive one’, and that ‘for most African cultures, a measure of what is perceived as performance is whether or not the three elements of space, performer and spectator are present in the activity’ (2007: 2). Also this study takes up Richard Schechner’s definition of Performance Studies as involving the study of ‘broad spectrum’ of ‘broad-ranging’ activities, whereby adherents ‘explore a wide array of subjects’ and apply various methodologies in order to examine and produce a better understanding of them (2006: 1-3). Furthermore Schechner’s (2006: 3) argument that ‘unlike more traditional academic disciplines, Performance Studies does not organize its subjects and methods into a unitary system’ hence, it differs from rigid definitions of conventional theatre which does not constitute Schechner’s triadic (performance process) schema of proto-performance, performance, and aftermath, an analytical context that contributes to this study’s theoretical and methodological purview. Buttressing this purview, Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett (2004: 43) contends that Performance Studies as an academic discipline ‘set[s] no limit on what can be studied in terms of medium and culture’, and that it does not ‘limit the range of approaches that can be taken’. Consequently, within the genre of Performance Studies a researcher is free to draw from established anthropological concepts such as ‘thick description’ alongside theatre-based theory such as ‘audience perception’ as analytical tools.

This study also draw from Okagbue’s view on ‘mutual affectivity’, generated from ‘a unique three-way relationship between performance, culture and society in all contexts of human existence’ as a way of examining the hypothesis that the Fulbe ladde soro (performance), pulaaku (culture) and nomadic community (society) ‘mutually inform and affect each other in significant ways’ (2007: 12).

Applying culture-specific contextualization as the analytical perspective whereby analysis of culture and its products are based mainly on culture-specific signification and context, this study draw from Clifford Geertz’s ‘interpretive theory of culture’, were he argues ‘that man is an animal suspended in webs of significance he himself has spun’ (1975: 5). Geertz’s approach ‘takes culture to be those webs’ and the culture specific analysis as ‘not an experimental science in search of law, but an interpretive one in search of meaning’; thus, the theoretical essence is about ‘explication’ (1975: 5). Consequently this study utilises this interpretive process to provide the platform for examining soro performers’ gestures pre-flogging, during flogging and post-flogging based on the socio-cultural perspectives of the Fulbe ladde. Therefore, if a researcher is applying thick description, Geertz observes that he ‘[…] should look in the first instance not at its theories or its findings [...]’ but rather at ‘what the practitioners of such cultures do’ (1975: 5). He maintains that though completing a case-study leading to interpretive analysis is commonly viewed as ‘establishing rapport, selecting informants, transcribing texts, taking genealogies, mapping fields, keeping a diary,’ all of which are crucial ‘techniques and received procedures’ required by field researchers, the crux of ‘thick description’ method is that which, in Gilbert Ryle’s term, produces a ‘thick description’ of human action within its cultural context (as quoted in Geertz 1975: 6).

Consequently, aim of ‘thick description’ is to address possible complexities in human behaviours situated in time, space, duration and sequence, alongside ‘piled-up structures of inference and implication through which an ethnographer is continually trying to pick his way’ in order to produce an explanation or clarification of the subject of inquiry in its socio-cultural context (Geertz 1975: 6).

Opening Actions in a Focused Soro Bout: Contexts of Pre-Flogging Gestures

It was around 3:45 pm in Nigeria, and I was standing with other spectators waiting for the first soro bout to commence. The location was a corner of a livestock market on the outskirts of Ningi town in Bauchi state, situated in the north-east geo-political zone of Nigeria. The blazing sun created temperatures of about 39° Celsius. As we waited for the contestants to enter the flogging space a young Jafun Fulbe ladde boy in his mid-teens ran into the babal fijirde bare-chested, sweating profusely under the scorching Sahel Sahara sunshine. He was not the fiyetedo; rather he was the fiyeted’s friend.

Next, an effusive entourage of fans escorted the fiyetedo into the babal fijirde amidst high tempo music. As soon as the terms of the performance were agreed and the contestants began to move into the flogging spot, the focus immediately shifted to the centre of the babal fijirde. The contestants then prompted the spectators to surge closer in order to witness every moment of the unfolding pre-flogging actions. As we (spectators) waited for the bout to commence the drummers (three middle-aged men who produced melodious tunes with their Fulbe drum bagwu, which they beat with their fingers) busied themselves, drumming and singing. The entire babal fijirde was bustling with people milling about; some were talking amongst themselves while others were listening to the drumming.

The spectators, already in expectant mood, cheered and clapped for the fiyetedo as he began his pre-flogging actions and gestures in the following manner. Starting from the middle of the babal fijirde (where he now stood) the fiyetedo began to hop up and down, landing on his toes, first towards his right side; as he drew nearer to the spectators, he stopped, repositioned himself and began to hop back, this time towards his left side. He repeated this routine three times. During the routine he stopped intermittently and stood on one spot exuding defiance and determination. In order to build the desired persona he told me[6] he often improvise bold gestures, such as twitching and flexing his muscles and shuffling his feet to the rhythm of the drumming. The spectators acknowledged his courageous disposition by clapping and cheering. He heaved his shoulders a couple of times then stopped. As he stood still he began to glare fiercely at the spectators – as if searching for someone – though he never actually focused on any one person. Like a warrior who wants to inspire awe and a pugnacious aura he grated his cola-nut reddened teeth slowly and menacingly and, with a sinister grimace, rolled his eyeballs. The spectators applauded because he was exhibiting all the typical characteristics of fearlessness long cultivated and established in his lineage; a lineage of revered great soro performers. The fiyetedo having engaged in varied forms of pre-flogging gestures, he hopped back to the middle of the flogging space and stood on one fixed spot, at which point the entourage withdrew and continued their singing to one side of the spectators’ circle.

Another young Jafun Fulbe ladde boy who had been outside the ring formed by the spectators ran into the space designated for the actual flogging bout through the opening created by spectators who temporarily broke the ring to allow him entry. He was of the same age-range as the fiyetedo and his friend who first entered the flogging space. He was holding a soro stick in his outstretched right arm signifying that he was to begin the contest as the fiyowo. He performed similar pre-flogging gestures to that just displayed by the fiyetedo which lasted about two minutes in order to establish individual flair and charisma. Abruptly he paused and began to examine his soro stick with an unmistakable flamboyance, a gesture aimed at enhancing his presence. Meanwhile fiyetedo’s friend walked towards the fiyetedo who was standing still in a fixed position waiting to receive the flogging. The two friends faced each other and hopped on the spot about a couple of times, exchanging facial gestures such as snarling and grimacing to produce the impression of menace and intimidation. All this time the musicians present at the babal fijirde continued to deliver their tones, which rhythmically increased or decreased in tempo depending on the intensity of the action in the performance space. However, as the flogging became imminent the music began to fade gradually till it reduced to a low humming tone, only to gain momentum again each time that the spectators applauded.

The fiyetedo who was to receive the flogging raised his right arm and placed it on top of his friend’s shoulder. In his left hand, he held a mirror high above his own shoulder and tilted his face slightly upward. He began to look in the mirror with a touch of indifference, appearing completely relaxed and well-prepared. As he gazed into the mirror he became apparently totally consumed in admiring his own facial features and so appeared completely unaware of the fact that he was about to be whipped. His face betrayed no signs of trepidation and the spectators appeared to admire his composure and accompanying gestures.

Middle-Action: Flogging Begins

As the fiyetedo stood in the middle of the flogging space the drumming, cheers and clapping continued but some of the spectators shifted their attention from him to the fiyowo as everyone waited expectantly for the flogging to begin. The fiyowo maintained his own gestures as he waited for obvious signs of readiness from the fiyetedo before striking. He then came closer to the fiyetedo. He walked calmly around him, holding his soro stick in various positions as he determined which angle would give him the best opportunity to deliver a good strike: then he stopped and raised his soro stick, waiting in order to be absolutely sure that the fiyetedo was ready to take the whipping. The fiyetedo, noticing that the fiyowo was prepared, nodded his head and instantly the fiyowo landed a powerful stroke on the fiyetedo’s bare chest, and paused. He waited to be certain that the fiyetedo was prepared to take more strokes. The fiyetedo remained calm and completely still for a few seconds and then, remaining on the one fixed spot. Defiantly, he continued his expression of detachment, admiring his face in the mirror. This gesture clearly signified to both the fiyowo and the spectators that he was ready to take another stroke. The spectators cheered and clapped for him despite the weal on his chest. The musicians continued with their music. The fiyetedo took two more strokes successfully and the spectators erupted into frenzied applause. The musicians, a few of his friends and relatives rushed to him, where he stood, stolid and still, on the same fixed spot, to register their appreciation and rejoice. He remained standing for a while before he moved his feet to perform a shuffling dance as the music intensified.  

In this instance I learnt that the fiyetedo had contracted the musicians to provide this function beforehand; however, the performers (both the fiyetedo and the fiyowo) do not always contract the musicians, rather the musicians usually perform for any successful contestant knowing full well that they will be rewarded. Then, the fiyetedo began to acknowledge the cheers as he exited the performance space gradually and gracefully. Soon after, another fiyetedo and fiyowo entered the flogging space and another flogging bout began.

After each flogging bout, except for those (such as may be presented during salla) in which blows are usually returned almost immediately, the fiyetedo goes home to rest and nurse his wounds with locally prepared herbal remedies. The roles are then reversed at a later soro meet (return-contest) where the fiyowo from the previous bout becomes the fiyetedo on a date agreed by the fiyetedo, the fiyowo and their promoters. The date for the return-contest could be the day following the first contest, or any acceptable time extending to months or even a year. As previously, noted, the contestants will agree on the date or occasion of the return-contest before the flogging begins. This date may be adjusted forward or backwards, according to certain situations and circumstances which the community perceives as exceptions. Ibrahim Mohammed (interview 2006) a onetime fiyetedo, lists a number of such situations: when either of the contestants has had to travel due to unavoidable circumstances; where there is an outbreak of war coinciding with the proposed date of the return-contest; if either of the boys’ families is bereaved; if one of the contestants is in poor health or dies. Abubakar Sanusi (interview 2006) an insider-spectator and a retired performer observes that in such cases one of the concerned person’s friends or relatives within the same age-group could step in and take the flogging on his behalf to maintain the positive image of his family.

From his experience L. N. Reed (1932: 438) asserts that ‘as each youth completed his test, his women friends and relations presented him with kola-nuts and pieces of cloth’; Mustafa Ibrahim adds that ‘the women folk stand by singing and cheering their sweethearts’ (1966: 172) as they leave the babal fijirde, while in some cases fathers and uncles rewarded the brave ones with gifts of cattle (Bocquene 2002). According to Harande (interview 2007), there are no mandatory rule which specify the manner and process admirers and relatives are suppose to respond or reward a contestant who had either unsuccessfully or successfully contested. What I notice is that what occurs in a given meet can hardly be replicated in another meet. In some soro meets that I have witnessed, which was corroborated by a fiyetedo who gave his name to me as Maiga Abukar, youths who had successfully completed their test had relatives and women admirers approach and present them with gifts, in other meets, performers may have only male friends who approach and rejoice with him.

Aesthetics and Signification of Some Pre-Flogging Gestures

 Pre-flogging gestures are actions such as facial expressions, brisk movements, utterances and body language improvised and adapted by each performer and aimed at heralding his entry before the flogging contest begins thus building a suitable persona and generating an appropriate mood and intensity. According to Inuwa Mallam (interview 2007) a onetime fiyetedo, such actions help both a fiyowo and a fiyetedo to create strong impressions which are loaded with messages, including exhibition of persona that typify courage and fearlessness. While Sidi Maiga (interview 2008) also a onetime fiyetedo, suggests that performers, especially the more experienced ones, being aware of their spectators’ curiosity about the application of mystical powers during soro contests, creatively take both their exhibited persona and the performance in general to a greater level through employing improvised gestures which appear to have great significance mystically but at the same time can remain very elusive and essentially ambiguous. A performer’s gestures in soro Mallam (interview 2007) argues could remain elusive to many spectators, and at the same time relate deferring meanings, because in most instances there is no culture-specific commonly acknowledged signification which they denote; rather these gestures vary from one soro meet to another and from one soro bout to another, even from one performer to another, as each soro performer is free to improvise and apply his own individual creativity. Consequently, in some meets a performer may ‘roam about the grounds yodelling’ while in others he ‘breaks into a shuffling dance, which he finishes up before a group of young men, his whole frame shivering’ (Anon. 1964: 201). Cyprian Ekwensi’s elaborate account in his novel, Burning Grass, describes a fiyowo ‘boasting’ and ‘trembling with intense excitement’:

His muscles stood in twisted knots, oiled and elastic. In complete contrast to him his challenger was cool as ice. He stood with feet astride, hands interlaced above his head, motionless. He did not even budge one inch when his opponent began to circle round him with a long whip, the leather-hide or koboko, looking for a tender spot on which to cut him. There was plenty of exposed skin above the waist, but from the waist down the challenger was heavily girded in leather cloth. Suddenly the man with the whip made a feint as if he intended to strike. The onlookers drew in their breath. But he merely withdrew and began his dance again. The music hushed again as the whip began menacing the victim. The man who had his hands above his head had not moved except when he turned aside, in the face of the threat, to spit. (1962: 66) [Underlined italics mine]

Ekwensi’s account, albeit a fictional one, presents some examples that typify the characteristics of pre-flogging gestures. The fiyowo is ecstatic while the fiyetedo is calm; the fiyowo flexes his muscles, which glisten because they are oiled. The aim of make-up (oil smeared on the skin) is to create allure while the flexing of the fiyowo’s muscle projects the notion of ‘strength’ thereby presenting the fiyowo as possessing a very strong and powerful arm capable of delivering deadly strikes. The fiyowo also tries to unnerve the fiyetedo by teasing him, making a feint as if intending to strike before withdrawing to begin dancing again. The fiyetedo responds with ‘contemptuous spitting’ which angers the fiyowo whose face seems ‘heavy with passion’ (Ekwensi 1962: 67). All these actions suggest how the pre-flogging gestures are motivated by a psychological conflict between the fiyowo and fiyetedo.

Another important point raised in the citation above is the manner in which the fiyetedo stands: his level of tranquillity has a certain contextual meaning that insider-spectators will easily interpret correctly. The Jafun Fulbe ladde view the ability of the fiyetedo to maintain a certain degree of tranquillity pre-flogging, during flogging and after flogging as a clear exhibition of the level of his embodiment of the pulaaku attributes cusal (self-control) and deftinido (autonomy) which, in turn, define his neddaaku (dignity).

Mohammed Abubakar (interview 2006) a onetime fiyetedo explains that maintaining silence during a soro bout by the fiyetedo is not optional, hence it is not accurate to describe it simply as gestures which is optional, however, while maintaining silence a performer may attempt to embellish his silence with body language, facial expressions and actions such as holding a mirror to his face and appear to be admiring it, which constitutes as part of gestures. According to Harande (interview 2007), the Jafun Fulbe ladde believe that maintaining this stability suggests the ability to control ones nerve and emotional response which is central to an individual’s quest to improve his pulaaku attributes such as ngorgu (bravery), cusal (self-control), neddaaku (dignity), munyal (patience, perseverance), hakkiilo (good sense), deftinido (autonomy), all of which are exhibited whilst enacting his gestures in a soro bout.

According to Mallam (interview 2007) the lack of ability to exhibit a certain degree of ‘tranquillity’ in soro is viewed by the Jafun Fulbe ladde clan as the indication of a lack of appropriate pulaaku attributes and proof that the individual in question has yet to attain an appropriate emotional mastering of himself. Consequently, this indicates a loss of cusal which, as Tea Virtanen argues, means to the Fulbe ladde ‘to lose temporarily one’s sense of autonomy’ (2003: 28). The Jafun Fulbe ladde view one’s sense of autonomy (deftinido) as an individual’s ability to control his hoore (head). According to Paul Riesman (1977: 226-227) among some Fulbe ladde clans such as the Jelgobe Fulbe the sense of mastering oneself is expressed in the words ‘jeyude hoore mum’ (possessing one’s own head) or waawude hoore mum (mastering one’s own head). Similarly Virtanen (2003: 29) observes that in Adamaoua located in the northern part of the Republic of Cameroon, ‘the idea of autonomy is implicitly present at any time a person is said to do something “with his/her own head” (bee hoore maako)’. Consequently, a fiyetedo’s exhibited level of ability to maintain tranquillity/silence Harande (interview 2007) argues is paramount in defining the quality of his gestures as a soro performer, particularly as it relates to his cusal (self-control) and munyal (patience). Maintaining silence by a soro performer at different stages of the bouts that I have observed in those soro meets that I have attended, usually instigates interpretations by those individuals witnessing it because traditionally among different cultures silence can be assessed in terms of its quality and quantity, which symbolizes one thing or the other hence Lisa Schwartz states that:

Unlike words, which Wittgenstein (1958), said offer sense or direction in which to find their meaning. A silence does not direct us to its meaning in the same way. Nevertheless, its meaning is still present even when it is not interpreted correctly. A further problem arises when Larundic silences are mistaken for Harpocratic silences. In such cases, the percipient mistakes a full silence for an empty one and applies radical readings to the silence, which does not respect the limits the Larundic silence imposes. (1999: 8)

She goes on to explain that ‘harpocratic silence is the empty silence of reflection and meditation’, while ‘laurundic silence is the full, active silence of communication’: thus ‘harpocratic silence depicts the notion of emptiness, which is how silence is most commonly perceived’ (Schwartz 1999: 9). The silence that Ekwensi’s fiyetedo, just as the fiyetedo described in my case-study maintains while ‘cool as ice’, is ‘laurundic’. Though Schwartz (1999: 9) points out that ‘laurundic silence is problematic as a form of communication, primarily because it is slippery and offers few clues to facilitate interpretation’ its meaning lies in the context of the performance and the socio-cultural understanding of that performance. Therefore, Schwartz contends that ‘context is an excellent mechanism for avoiding misunderstandings in the interpretation of silence’ and the ‘awareness of context is the method of locating information’ (1999: 9). Consequently, in reflecting and seeking to interpret the signification of silence in a performance such as soro, the first thing we must seek to understand is the cultural meaning of silence among the Fulbe ladde and the symbolic application of silence as gesture in soro. Therefore:

If the silence itself does not speak, its surroundings will. Thus, the percipient is required to consider the information which accompanies the silence such as who or what produced it, when it was produced, what initiated the silence, and so on. The context is instrumental in defining the perimeter within which the meaning of the silence resides. (Schwartz 1999: 9)

Silence in soro Harande (interview 2007) explains, indicates that the fiyetedo is ready to receive the flogging. In addition, maintaining silence during flogging Mallam (interview 2007) explains depicts the fact that the fiyetedo is not overwhelmed by the strokes received; it does not however mean that he does not feel them. There are some physical actions that may accompany silence during flogging: for example, looking into a mirror while maintaining silence indicates that the fiyetedo is aware of the flogging but is not distracted by it – hence his interest in looking at his reflection. When a fiyetedo looks up to the sky, Maiga (interview 2008) illuminates that it may imply that the fiyetedo is far removed from the actions; therefore he is presenting his ‘unconscious’ body for flogging while his consciousness is far away. Unlike professional wrestling (for example), where performers may moan or shout as part of their showmanship if they choose to, Abukar (interview 2008) notes that moaning or shouting by a fiyetedo during flogging in a soro bout demonstrates literarily his inability to endure the inflicted pain and contextually an indication that he lacks sufficient courage to withstand the trials that will come with the life of a adult male Jafun Fulbe ladde nomad.

As previously suggested, the pre-flogging showmanship can also take the form of assuming a special, symbolic pose or posture before the flogging commences. An example of such a symbolic pre-flogging pose is illustrated in focused bout narrated earlier on page six, which is similar to  E. C. Brackenbury’s experience in 1924 where he observes that ‘the youth to be flogged stands in front of the crowd holding a looking glass in his hand and stroking his long lock of hair’ (1924: 274). The act of holding a mirror over the face and gazing at one’s reflection with the accompanying dramatics is a form of gesture, which can be enacted at pre-flogging and during-flogging stages though not necessarily at post-flogging stage. These acts according to Idris (interview 2007) add allure, drama and a distinct symbolic message to the performance – in this case the meaning expressed is that the fiyetedo is not troubled about the flogging he is about to receive because he is totally consumed by looking at his reflection in the mirror. The fiyetedo’s posture indicates composure and the total control of his nerve, which, in turn indicates his embodiment and application of the pulaaku attribute cusal.

Mohammed (interview 2006) observes that the Fulbe ladde culture acknowledges that this kind of mirror-play − looking at a reflection in a mirror while someone is speaking or doing something or about to do something which is supposedly directed at the subject − suggests indifference, detachment, and a lack of interest in whatever the ‘opponent’ is doing or about to do. Similarly, in Brackenbury’s (1924: 274) example the fiyetedo who is holding the mirror slightly above shoulder level and smiling or grinning is suggesting his scorn towards the fiyowo and his fearlessness and confidence to the spectators. In soro this is a symbolic way for a fiyetedo to inform his fiyowo that he is not troubled by the impending strokes. The fiyetedo uses the mirror to provoke the fiyowo and draw the spectators’ attention towards himself by dramatising culturally acknowledged imagery.

The previous examples clearly demonstrate how, at the pre-flogging phase, gestures significantly facilitates the performer’s (both the fiyowo and the fiyetedo) ability to create an impression (or illusion) of his persona and enhance the appeal of the performance, while at the same time engaging in a psychological conflict with his opponent. As suggested earlier, during the pre-flogging gestures, the most obvious impression that every soro performer (both the fiyowo and the fiyetedo) aims to achieve is the projection of himself as a courageous and fearless person.

At the pre-flogging phase performers also attempt to shake off lethargy and stage fright by engaging in those acts and movements, permissible in soro and in their concept of pulaaku, to project an appropriate persona. Some performers try a combination of hopping, jogging and heaving of their shoulders. Sometimes a performer will, through mimicry, attempt to represent or project an impression as part of their psychological conflict with their opponent: for example, a fiyowo might catch an imaginary fly with one palm and subsequently crush it by clenching his fist. Through such illustrative demonstrations the fiyowo is visually communicating that he will be merciless and that the fiyetedo should expect the worst. This symbolic representation according to Idris (interview 2007) increases the spectators’ interest in the performance and aims to psychologically defeat the opponent by increasing his fear and tension. As part of this psychological conflict a contestant may step forward into the performance space, goaded by praise singers who usually recall the prowess of his father or uncle and the legendary greatness of his ancestors, and begin to challenge the young men amongst the spectators to a flogging contest. The contestant may verbally assert his own invincibility, or the stupidity and futility of challenging him; a kind of verbal pre-flogging gesture which is mainly practiced by veteran performers who move from one soro meet to another in order to engage in flogging contests (mostly those soro performances that occur during salla where soro takes the form of a sport, unlike the occasions frequented by boys aged 12 to 14 years where soro serves as a rite-of-passage). According to Mohammed (interview 2006), those who engage in such daring and taunting behaviour are usually performers who have engaged in soro for a number of years and are often perceived by the spectators as using potent mystical powers to protect themselves and enhance their performance.

The position in which the fiyetedo chooses to stand also has culture specific meanings and significance. The fiyetedo may stand with his arms raised above his shoulder, placing one arm on his head, while holding his soro stick with the other to maintain balance, or in a less dramatic pose, a fiyetedo may ‘[stand] erect with his hands up’ (Ibrahim 1966: 172); this pose creates less impact, simpler imagery and an apparently less complex interpretation. In another posing style the fiyetedo may ‘stand on one foot, an arm on a friend’s shoulder, with an expression of tranquillity or contempt on his face (Horowitz 1970: 971). Michael Horowitz (1970: 971) maintains that if a fiyetedo chooses to stand as described in the above quotation, ‘on one foot, an arm on a friend’s shoulder’, it may suggest to the spectators that he is very confident that the fiyowo’s stroke will be taken with ease. According to Harande (interview 2007) standing on one foot during a soro bout implies that the fiyetedo anticipates that the fiyowo’s strikes will be weak and that he will not require his full balance to endure them. However, it is more sensible within soro practice to choose to stand on both feet (a posture which will be deemed adequate but less daring) and thus be able to receive all the agreed number of strikes whilst maintaining one consistent stance throughout the bout, rather than daringly standing on one foot to receive the initial strike only to fail to maintain this stance throughout the entirety of the bout Harande argues (interview 2007). This will be viewed by the insider-spectators as an inordinate mannerism which demonstrates a lack of hakkiilo. Thus, a fiyetedo’s choice of posture constitutes his expression of a specific codified message that projects his degree of confidence, dexterity, courage, manliness and fearlessness to the spectators. According to my observations, the fiyetedo’s flair, creativity and strength of portrayed message(s) determines the level of applause he receives from the spectators, and the same applies to the fiyowo.

A performer’s pre-flogging gestures as well as his persona are enhanced by his costume and make-up such as a leather kilt, ornamented with cowries, with ornamental trappings such as arm and neck leather arm-bands, amulets with charms locked in animal horns of different sizes or leather bound, and corpulent ox hide girdle. In a number of soro meets that I have attended, usually under the high temperature created by the intense sunshine, the oiled chests, backs, necks and faces of the contesting boys glistened with liberally smeared fat or oil creating and alluring and strong appearance.

Aesthetics and Signification of Gestures at Flogging Stage

The obvious signs of readiness to receive flogging can be verbal or non-verbal. Verbal signs might involve a fiyetedo asking the fiyowo a question such as: ‘What are you waiting for?’ According to Horowitz non-verbal signs of readiness begin to be established when the fiyetedo stops pacing and maintains ‘an expression of tranquillity’ (1970: 971). Even if presented for only a short while this is an obvious sign that the fiyetedo is ready to receive his flogging. In some cases, while standing on one spot as ‘cool as ice’, a fiyetedo may perform other non-verbal acts to indicate readiness, such as holding a fixed gaze. Similarly, in Ekwensi’s narrative (1962: 67) the fiyetedo’s ‘contemptuous spitting’ (an action that I have personally witnessed in a number of soro meets) is a non-verbal sign of readiness to receive the flogging, which also serves to irritate and scorn the fiyowo. Above all such actions are viewed by the Jafun Fulbe ladde as extremely confrontational and belittling towards the fiyowo. Non-verbal signs of readiness to receive the whiplash which a fiyetedo may employ include nodding his head, remaining still or tranquil, spitting contemptuously on the ground, using his finger to beckon to the fiyowo, or continuing to smile, ‘virtually sneering at the futile efforts to make him show pain’ (Anon. 1964: 207-208). Verbal indications of a fiyetedo’s readiness to continue with the test usually take the form of an impertinent question directed to the fiyowo in a mocking tone. After a fiyetedo has received a strike he has to remain composed ‘for should he flinch or let fall whatever he is holding’ or ‘should he manifest pain by the slightest twitching of a muscle, he is disgraced’ (Anon. 1964: 208). Rather, he should project a composure that suggests that he has adequately endured the inflicted pain. A fiyetedo is expected to remain silent and tranquil both during and after he receives a strike. This silence in soro is deemed to be a complete and adequate response by the spectators: ‘if he has received a hard strike and stands his ground without flinching, or crying out, or allowing tears to fill his eyes’, then ‘the spectators shout their appreciation’, and sometimes ‘young girls − beautifully dressed, with bright facial make-up − come forward and press coins on his forehead, which may be collected by the musicians for their services’ (Horowitz 1970: 971). As the musicians continue to play the two young men acting as umpires keep busy and swiftly move around the babal fijirde as the flogging continues in order to maintain crowd control. The spectators cheer, whistle, moan, grunt or clap as the fiyetedo successfully endures his second whiplash. The anonymous writer of 1964 describes the spectators’ spontaneous response to a strike in a soro meet as follows: ‘the blow draws a release of pent up sighs and muffled exclamations from spectators. But relations and close friends of the fiyetedo shout for joy as he continues to smile’ (Anon. 1964: 207). The cadence of spectators’ responses, alongside the praise singers’ drumming, provides a spontaneous release of varied emotions that pervade the performance atmosphere. The sound of the music gradually decreases to a humming level as the fiyowo readies himself to deliver another strike.

In soro meets for the purpose of rite-of-passage, Abukar (interview 2007) observes that the fiyetedo may be asked by one of the young men acting as umpire/crowd managers if he is ready, to which he will normally answer by nodding his head. According to Sanusi (interview 2006) a onetime fiyetedo, the most important signs of readiness to receive flogging are those whereby the fiyetedo raises his hands up, clearly away from the thoracic region of his body, and holds his position standing calmly on one spot. He explains that it is at this point that the drumming, cheering, singing, and clapping become barely audible (Sanusi, interview 2006): the excitement, obvious when performers began to arrive at the soro performance place, now turns to anxiety for the family, friends and supporters of the fiyetedo, while those on the side of the fiyowo remain mainly boisterous. Sanusi explains that once the fiyowo notices the obvious signs of readiness from the fiyetedo he is free to land his strike, after which he must wait to be certain that the fiyetedo is ready to take more strokes. While the fiyowo waits, friends of the fiyetedo may approach him in order to encourage him.

At this stage the fiyetedo is expected to respond to the initial strokes with that which I refer to as ‘during-flogging gestures’ to signify his readiness to continue with the test. During-flogging gestures refer to all kinds of facial expressions, gestures, body language, occasional utterances and mannerisms carried out by performers during flogging that are aimed at enhancing the quality of their performance. The modes of enacting the during-flogging gestures differ between the fiyowo and the fiyetedo: the difference being that the fiyowo is free to move about as he enacts his gestures while the fiyetedo must remain on one spot. Sanusi (interview 2006) explains that, as part of soro performance practice, a fiyetedo is expected to remain as calm as possible for a couple of seconds, after which he may turn the other side of his bare back very slightly. This gesture, Sanusi argues, is a clear message to the spectators who will instantly respond with a spate of cheering and clapping. Likewise, the musicians will increase the sound of their drumming, during which time, if the fiyetedo is holding a mirror, he will defiantly continue to admire his face. These actions by the fiyetedo clearly signify his readiness to take another stroke.

In the performance that I witnessed at Geidam located in north-east Nigeria in November 2003, the fiyetedo in the soro bout reacted verbally to his fiyowo; after receiving a strike he asked the fiyowo to deliver another blow. The anonymous writer of 1964 observes how, in a witnessed soro bout, a fiyetedo ‘continued to smile’ after receiving a strike (Anon. 1964: 207). The fiyetedo’s capacity to continue smiling is a non-verbal reaction and example of lelol which signifies an indication of his willingness to receive another strike, having manfully borne the first. The fiyetedo has to remain calm and according to Harande (interview 2007), what is consistent here with the Fulbe ladde soro tradition is that a fiyetedo must not in any way respond or react at any point during the flogging session in a way that could suggest signs of distress or pain, rather than the fiyetedo not being allowed to express any reaction whatsoever.

As part of soro practice, after each strike the fiyetedo is expected to indicate his willingness and ability to take another strike. According to Harande (interview 2007) the continuation of flogging and the number of strikes the fiyowo eventually delivers is strictly determined by the fiyetedo. Although the contestants may agree on the maximum number of strikes before the flogging starts, the fiyetedo is not forced to take all of them if he is struggling for control. In some cases, where there is no pre-agreement on the maximum number of strikes, Reed (1932: 438) observes that women friends or relatives of the fiyetedo present at the meet ‘will sometimes intervene to stop a test which they think has been severe enough and manfully borne’. I also found this to be the case in the course of my field research in northern Nigeria.

Climax: The Point of Highest Excitement

The climax in a soro bout is the point of highest excitement. This can occur at the point at which the fiyetedo has successfully endured the flogging, at the final count or at the point where he fails to continue or contain the flogging at any moment or count after the first strike. For instance in a soro bout where the contestants (the fiyetedo and fiyowo) have earlier agreed to take/administer three strikes the highest point of excitement can come at any time from the beginning of the first strike to the last stroke. If the fiyetedo has successfully received two strikes and waits for the third then manages to take the third strike successfully, this point will elicit the loudest ovation hence it will be considered as the climax of the bout because it is clearly the highest point of excitement. According to Muhammadu Gajere (interview 2007) when the fiyowo delivers the final strike, as with the previous strikes, the fiyetedo must remain calm and contain any signs or reactions that could be interpreted as pain or weakness: the fiyetedo’s response to the final strike usually encapsulates his entire effort in the bout.

The climax can differ between bouts. According to Harande (interview 2007), in line with soro practice the point and time at which a fiyetedo fails to endure the pain marks the climax of that bout, if he successfully takes all the strokes, his reaction to the last strike becomes the climax. If a fiyetedo is to take one strike the climax revolves around that single strike. Also, in situations where a fiyetedo fails the flogging test by falling down ‘or crying out, or allowing tears to fill his eyes’ (Horowitz 1970: 971) the performance ends and that becomes the climax and so the highest point of excitement. Looking at the following comment critically, I argue that the contributor has misplaced the idea of climax in a soro bout in the suggestion that the increase in tempo in the performance, due to excitement and anticipation by the spectators, is specifically the prelude to the climax:

Youths undergoing the test attended by their seconds are surrounded by a circle of spectators. Their shrill cries, the quickening tempo of the monotonous rhythm from the drum, and the increasing frequency with which they recite their incantations tells of the approaching climax. (Anon. 1964: 205)

At the stage the writer is talking about the actual flogging has not yet begun. The performers are ending their pre-flogging gestures, the opening action, in readiness for the middle action, which is the flogging. It is not practically realistic in a soro context to suggest that the incantations of the performers tell of the approaching climax. The contributor goes on to say: ‘suddenly a youth’s excitement reaches its peak and, without warning, he strikes a defiant pose’ after which he waits for the strike while the umpire and his team of crowd managers attempt to control the crowd, ‘tension mounts high as he feints once or twice’ (Anon. 1964: 205-206) before striking. The blow itself ‘draws a release of pent up sighs and muffled exclamations’ from the spectators but the fiyetedo ‘continues to smile’ and calmly ‘ignores all the acclamations and with arms aloft to display his wounds, demands more strokes’ (1964: 207-208). These sequences of action are the high points of excitement and they come intermittently as the bout progresses. As a live contest, and not the re-enactment of a script, it is practically impossible to predict the exact point of climax in a soro bout. However, at whatever point the highest point of excitement unfolds, the climax is reached, and thereafter is the ‘falling action’.

Context and Signification of Gestures at Cool-down/ Falling Action Stage When Flogging Ends for a Contestant

During the bout that I witnessed at Ningi in 2007 moments after the fiyetedo received the final stroke without a flinch the praise singers increased the momentum of their music while the crowd erupted into a deafening round of cheers and applause. Prior to this, the entire crowd had remained silent and expectant as the fiyetedo stood calmly until after the last strike of the bout. His self-control and composure throughout the bout spoke volumes and the spectators understood the subliminal message full well. His reactions proved that he had successfully passed the test, by showing no signs of distress or pain: then, as part of his post-flogging gestures he attempted to increase the impression of his ease by stroking his chin in a playful manner.

As part of his post-flogging gestures (which has no strict format but is based on improvisation) the fiyetedo in the bout that I witnessed at Ningi in 2007 made brisk runs here and there, gestured with his hands, and assumed a sinister grin as he clenched his fists and pumped his muscles. These acts symbolically indicate that he was not overwhelmed by the strokes received. This display of strength and stability after the flogging, beyond adding glamour to the flogging contest as a whole, is an example of post-flogging gesture aimed at intensifying a performer’s self-image and status as ‘indomitable’ and therefore provides a psychological message to would-be challengers. It is a matter of pride for a performer to exit the performance place in a state and mood that does not betray any distress; hence the need to engage in post-flogging gestures that suggest that he has not been incapacitated by the flogging received.

Conclusion

Based on information I gathered from some retired performers and experienced insider-spectators during and after bouts, the gestures demonstrated by a fiyowo and a fiyetedo are an important aspect of any soro bout and these actions are aimed at projecting certain objectives such as enhancing the intensity and expectations of the spectators who, in turn, argue amongst themselves and analyse the high-points and telling actions observed in the pre-bout, which may lead them to speculate on the prospects of each performer or the possible outcome of the bout, as suggested by the quality and symbolic messages of their gestures.

My findings also indicate that after a bout the spectators’ arguments and discussions usually shift to aspects such as the effectiveness of the exhibited gestures by each performer in relation to the quality of their performance at the end of the bout. I also discovered that the celebration that follows a successful bout sometimes goes beyond the babal fijirde; usually being continued in the various homes of the successful contestants. On the morning following a soro bout a successful fiyetedo, who has gone through soro as a rite-of-passage, will begin to notice immediate changes in the manner in which his family members and other people in the community relate to him. Harande (interview 2007) observes that as part of the recognition of their new status as a ‘man’ the men in the community will gradually begin to include them in decision-making. The older women will begin to view them as mature and manly, while young girls will perceive them as possible eligible husbands. This immediate change in the status of a boy who has successfully performed his first soro is a form of socio-cultural life transition. Consequently, a boy’s first success at a soro bout really does mark his passage from boyhood to manhood and his creativity and effectiveness in enacting his gestures will endure in the minds of those that witnessed it.

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