Consciousness, Literature and the Arts
Archive
Volume 15 Number 3, December 2014
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Nigerian Drama and Women in Politics: The Example of Irene Salami's Sweet Revenge
By
Federal University Oye - Ekiti
Abstract
The political terrain in Nigeria is dominated by male players and women rarely play a prominent role. Giving women equal oppurtunities with men especially in the arena of politics is a challenge. The norm is that women are often seen as rallying points in politics but not active contenders. This is to say that, female assertiveness in the political terrain is downplayed. This can be attributed to the cultural stereotype that women should be in the sidelines when it comes to leadership and decision making. As such, vying for political positions or even participating in politics is down played. This paper seeks to explore how Irene salami as a dramatist has voiced out the place of women in politics and leadership. The paper submits that, women can only break social stereotypes and wield power by collectively pursuing power and fighting for fair representation instead of waiting in the sidelines for power to come to them. Salami in this work envisions Nigerian women as people who should not be distanced from the main political current. She thus seeks political inclusion for this already distanced social group.
Key Words: Women in Politics, female assertiveness, political inclusion
Introduction
It is not yet Uhuru for women. The only thing to do is to ensure that the light women see at the end of the tunnel is not susceptible to the winds of gender adversity or exclusion where any affirmation of the woman’s ideal position is only but transient. (Mabel Evwierhoma, 8)
Despite the changes in the political terrain regarding female participation in politics, the average Nigerian woman still suffers marginalization in politics. Women are not seen as active players who can vie for and be elected in the process of politicking where they rarely play a dominant role. Giving women equal opportunities with men especially in the arena of politics is a challenge. They are often seen as rallying points in politics but not active contenders. This is to say that female assertiveness in the political terrain is downplayed. This situation is perpetuated by poor awareness of the Nigerian woman in terms of her political rights. In the words of Mike Odey and Patience Onekutu;
In the past, the pre – colonial and many years after independence, the Nigerian woman had very little or no political awareness. Even though women in the south of the country had voting rights by the 1950s, it was during Alhaji Shehu Shagari’s regime as Nigerian President in the late eighties that women in the north were granted voting rights for the first time. It was an eye opener for women and they formed leagues at national level to educate women on their voting rights, procedures, political rights and other electoral issues. (29)
This shows that the Nigerian woman’s right to franchise has come a long way. This can be attributed to the cultural stereotype that women should be in the sidelines when it comes to leadership and decision making. As such, for women vying for political positions or even participating in politics was never encouraged until recently. This is because in Nigeria, the patriarchal ideology which sees women as being naturally or biologically below - inferior to the men is dominant in all spheres of life. This perception determines what social roles are befitting for women and men. Active politics is thus seen as an exclusive preserve for men since it has to do with leadership and leadership roles are traditionally assigned to the men who are considered physically stronger and mentally endowed to lead.
Okpe strongly corroborates the above position thus:
The various ethnic groups in Nigeria have classified women and men in Particular gender roles. In fact, the values, norms, attitudes, ideals and symbols infusing each community translate the physical underpinning of sexual differences into the socially relevant categories of feminine and masculine gender. Arising from this is the fact that femininity has become synonymous with domesticity, while masculinity is associated with mobility, power, superiority, and opportunities in the supra – domestic sphere. (112)
This relegation of the woman to a subaltern position cuts across most communities and ethnic groups in Nigeria where women are seen as mere appendages to men and their status is a subservient one. Gender differences are therefore strongly reinforced by traditional institutions that see the female folk as inconsequential, the insignificant ‘other’. This goes a long way in framing the thoughts of the women who readily accept this position. When any attempt is made to break this norm, such women are seen as competing with men or trying to change the natural order of things and often they are branded as being stubborn or out of control, or better still, ill mannered. For instance, among the Tiv of Benue state in Nigeria, an assertive, strong willed woman is described as nan ngu vanger which means such woman is a witch otherwise she would not be so bold and outspoken. This paper seeks to explain why women have low political participation in political and economic leadership at all levels in Nigeria using Irene Salamis Sweet Revenge as the backdrop. The play will be analyzed so as to bring out the socio - political realities in Nigeria, especially those inimical to female participation in Politics.
From the Sidelines to Centre Stage: Irene Salami’s Social Vision
It is a truism that male dominance has been the core philosophy of feminism. This is because masculine superiority has from time immemorial engulfed men’s thinking largely due to biological and social constructs. The biological essentialists maintain that, “due to hormones and physiology, women are born to be more nurturing and gentle as well as to breed and care for children whereas; men are born strong willed, aggressive, powerful, smart and competitive” (Michael and Jane, 328). Furthermore, Michael and Jane writing on the Social Construction Position, see gender as a “consequence of how people are socialized. Even as children, males and females are treated differently and encounter attitudes and beliefs… that shape our expectations of how we should behave and what we might achieve” (Michael and Jane, 329).
The above position helps us understand that, female suppression and oppression as a result of patriarchy has been enshrined in men’s consciousness. This is strongly supported by essentialist determinants as well as social structures and interactions as such the type of Jobs, names, speech and behavior of males and females are influenced by the masculine tradition.
It is noteworthy that at the core of the struggle for dominance is the desire for equity and repositioning of femininity in male dominated societies. This means that, within social categories and environmental spheres, such as the family, government, work place as well as political institutions masculine power is exercised.
Religious institutions are not left out as strong contentions still exist regarding whether women should hold positions of power. For instance, women are still struggling to be ordained priests within the Catholic and Anglican churches. Among the Catholics, women end up as nuns at the most. Politically, female participation in main stream politics is discouraged but their votes are sought for and market women are mobilized to vote for the male contestants. Haywood and Ghaill in their book, Men and Masculinities, submit thus:
Politics might be seen as the defining of cultural space that delineates the public (masculine) from the private (feminine), thus serving to legitimate this space as an exclusive male preserve … Men are highly visible in mainstream politics. However, they are conventionally represented and represent themselves …. as generically representative of humanity. (125)
Salami, as a feminist writer and social advocate, canvases for female participation in politics as she takes women from the sidelines in Sweet Revenge; as in her other plays and places them at centre stage as active players in politics in the world of the play. By so doing, she radically shifts power relations by empowering women and refusing to create or present a disempowered woman which is often the norm in several African dramatic creations, where the woman is either a witch, a house wife, or other things that are subservient and weak.
In recent times, not many writers have voiced out the place of women in politics and leadership. Irene salami’s Sweet Revenge obviously is a dramatic creation that can rightly be called a literature of sociopolitical commitment. She unsparingly presents us with a male centered political terrain and critiques this attitude thus:
Cheryl: It seems your country is made up of only men; women are nowhere in your national agenda. They are at the margin, nowhere near the centre. Good luck to you all (Salami, 11).
Here, Salami opens a case against a male dominated political terrain which to her excludes women in the political and economic leadership of Nigeria. She uses this to introduce the woman question in the world of the play in a manner characteristic of her other literary endeavors. She evokes a strong and crucial question: How is patriarchy used to perpetuate female exclusion in leadership especially in Nigeria? Here, men who are the dominant gender through a domineering attitude suppress the other gender – women, who more often than not remain passive and docile in social and political engagements.
As the play develops, we see Aisosa who is a submissive and obedient wife pushed out of her home because her husband feels she is drab and sexually dumb. This brings on the politics of ‘phallic power’ which is also an oppressive tool in the domestic arena. In his words:
Sota: Sosa, I must be frank with you, you no longer excite me. You are too dull and drab. The spark that used to be in your life is no longer there … you have failed as a wife; you have failed too as a mother. You cannot meet my sexual needs. Sexually you are dumb. Of what use are you as a wife? (Salami, 26, 27) (emphasis mine)
As earlier said, ‘phallic power’ is emphasized here because Sota sees his wife as nothing beyond an object of sex that he acquired for his pleasure. Not minding her feelings, he clearly establishes this view by hammering on her failures without looking at her strengths. Clouded by his American wife whom he abandons his Nigerian wife, for; he walks out leaving her without looking back. In reverse, his wife abandoned a fruitful career to build a home and raise his children only to be abandoned in the middle of nowhere. This tendency is a notion used to devalue women, entrenched in the psyche of men and encouraged by our cultural and social interactions.
Economically, Aisosa is disempowered as she was asked by her husband to resign her job as a trained gynecologist and care for the children. She thus depends solely on what her husband gives to her to run the family, which is not enough to provide for four children. When he sends her away, it dawns on her that she needs to empower herself beginning with getting a job which empowers her to take care of her children and her needs.
The political ascendancy of Aisosa begins from the bitterness engendered the moment Sota refuses to acknowledge the women leaders Madam Power and Madam Executive who go to see him. To him, they are not just disturbing his peace but are trespassers. Thus he asks them to leave his home or face the consequences. Sota gets the women arrested and they have to be bailed from police custody.
In the words of one of the women:
Ma Speaker: Three weeks ago we sent Madam Power and Madam Executive to Abuja to see Senator Sota Ojo and Hon. Abel Nigie reminding them of the promises they made to us during the campaign. Their Trip was a disaster…. (Salami, 42)
Sota, as a serving senator, cannot maintain his home talk more of keeping his campaign promises to women. This infuriates the women. Soon, his world begins to crumble. First, his second wife Cheryl whom he married and forgot about Aisosa in Nigeria discovers that Senator Sota has been lying to her for six years, decides to leave him and return to Britain. Sota is also recalled from the senate because a group of women signed a petition against him. As his world crumbles, his ex –wife gets a boost in her career. She is not just given an award but the women led by Madam Power request that she be the next candidate to represent the zone at the senate since her ex husband has been recalled. In their words:
Show Dem: …. You see, we have no other person who is competent enough to represent us at the senate. You are the most appropriate person. See all your recent achievements, with such feats, when you talk on the floor of the senate men are bound to stop and listen. So, this has nothing to do with Sota. (Salami 67)(Emphasis Mine)
Here, fair representation within the corridors of power with the view of giving voice and attention to the needs of women is what the women want. This goes to say that the ‘politics of exclusion’ that puts men in charge to the detriment of women is no longer popular with these women. Salami uses her craft as an orator to seek change in the way business is done as well as in the identity of the female folk as they seek the frontlines in politics instead of the hitherto subordinate position.
The desire to see women in mainstream politics is realised eventually in the world of the play as Aisosa gets elected to the senate as her husband’s replacement and eventually becomes the senate president.
Conclusion
Salami in her incisive work Sweet Revenge, argues for female placement within mainstream politics. She creates strong female characters and places them at the centre of affairs where they are not docile but influential in deciding what happens in the world of the play.
What Salami proves in this work is that; women can only break social stereotypes by collectively pursuing power and fighting for fair representation instead of waiting on the sidelines. This, she suggests in the world of the play through Madam Power and Showdem, women leaders who refuse to be pushed to the sidelines. These women mobilize votes that lead to Aisosa’s victory over her husband who threw her out of her matrimonial home.
We can therefore boldly say that, female participation in politics has to be properly advocated. In the words of Mabel Tobrise, “this can be done through the formation of intra party pressure groups and inter party networks and alliances to represent women and their views” (37).
Irene Salami as a dramatist in this work envisions Nigerian women who are not distanced from the main political current and seeks political inclusion of an already distanced social group. The effort here can best be described as a vanguardist engagement in social reconstruction which, in the words of Olu Obafemi, “strongly seeks to negotiate the female sector of the Nigerian humanity into the socio -economic landscape” (165).
Her concern is to reverse female exclusion, marginalization and exploitation and reaffirm the relevance of women in contributing to the socio - economic development of the Nigerian state.
Works Cited
Haywood, Chris and Martin Macan Ghaill. Men and Muscullinities: The Theory, Research and Social Practise. Buckingham: Open University Press. 2003. Print.
Irene, I. Salami. Sweet Revenge. Ibadan: Saniez Publications. 2004. Print.
Mabel, Evwierhoma. Patriarchy and Maleness in Select Works of Tess Onwueme: The Performance of Dominance. The Creative Artiste. Eds. Clementina Abone et al. A Journal of the Theatre and Media Studies Department, Nnamdi Azikiwe University. Awka: Valid Publishing Company. 2006. 1 – 9. Print.
Mabel, Tobrise. Nigerian Feminist Theatre. Ibadan: Sam Bookman Publishers. 1998.
Michael O’ Shaughnessy and Jane Stadler. Media and Society: An Introduction. New York:Oxford University Press. 2007. Print.
Mike, Odey and Patience, Onekutu. The Changing Role of Women in National Development. Review of Gender Studies in Nigeria. Charity Angya (Ed). Makurdi: Black Heritage Publications. 2003. 23 – 39. Print.
Okpeh, O. Okpeh. Culture and the Gender Question in Nigeria. MAJAC – Makurdi Journal of Arts and Culture. Charity Angya (Ed). Makurdi: Peach Multi Media Services. 2002. 110 – 115. Print.
Olu, Obafemi. Women writing and the Landscape of Social Advocacy: Women Literature since Wole Soyinka’s Nobel Prize. In After the Nobel Prize: Reflections on African Literature, Governance and Development. Gbemisola Adeoti and Mabel Evwierhoma (Ed) Ibadan: Association of Nigerian Authors. 2006. 155 – 165. Print.